2. U.S. budget figures are from Office of the Undersecretary of Defense (Comptroller), National Defense Budget Estimates for FY 1998 (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Defense, March 1997). Estimates on Russian military spending in the post-cold war period vary considerably, but the figures on massive cuts in weapons procurement have been widely cited. As the conservative International Institute for Strategic Studies has noted in its most recent analysis: "The major threat to the Russian armed forces in 1997 was not military, but financial. A dire lack of funding was compounded by delays and genuine difficulties in implementing urgently needed structural reforms." (See IISS, The Military Balance 1997/98 (London, IISS, October 1997), p. 101.

3. Quadrennial Defense Review (released in May of 1996).

4. Michael T. Klare, Rogue States and Nuclear Outlaws: America’s Search for a New Foreign Policy (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1995).

5. The quotes from Franklin Spinney and Merrill McPeak are from Mark Thompson, "Why the Pentagon Gets a Free Ride," Time, June 5, 1995.

6. On the prospects for cutting military spending dramatically under a more cooperative, preventive approach to security, see Janne E. Nolan, ed., Global Engagement: Cooperation and Security in the 21st Century (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1994).

7. Lawrence J. Korb, "Our Overstuffed Armed Forces," Foreign Affairs, November/December 1995, pp. 22-34.

8. Statistics on the share of global military spending accounted for by the United States and its allies are calculated by the author based on data contained in annual reports of the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, World Military Expenditures and Arms Transfers, from the editions covering 1987 and 1998.

9. On the "Team B" report, see Anne Hessing Cahn, Killing Detente: The Right Attacks the CIA (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University, 1998).

10. On increased U.S. troop presence in the Persian Gulf since the 1991 war with Iraq, see Caryle Murphy, "Engulfed in a War That Won’t End," Washington Post, July 30, 1995; on U.S. efforts to increase capabilities for projecting force into Central Asia, see David Brindley, "Asia’s Big Oil Rush: Count Us In, GIs Arrive in Longest Airborne Mission Ever," U.S. News and World Report, September 29, 1997, which describes a U.S. military exercise that involved parachuting the 82nd Airborne Division and the chief of the U.S. Atlantic Command into Kazakhstan as a way to "show the flag."

11. Figures are from Lockheed Martin’s annual report for 1996. For further background on the Lockheed Martin merger, see William D. Hartung, "St. Augustine’s Rules: Norman Augustine and the Future of the American Defense Industry," World Policy Journal, Summer 1996, pp. 65-73.

12. Norman R. Augustine, "Reshaping an Industry: Lockheed Martin’s Survival Story," Harvard Business Review, May-June 1997, pp. 83-94.

13. The quote is from Hartung, "St. Augustine’s Rules," op. cit.; for the full story on the "payoffs for layoffs" phenomenon, see the excellent series of articles by Patrick J. Sloyan of Newsday, including "Sweet Deal from Pentagon: Top Brass OK $60 Million Break to Ex-Employer, Martin Marietta," June 30, 1994; "Layoff Payoff: Pentagon Pays $31 Million to Bosses for Merger that Wipes Out Jobs," March 17, 1995; and "Big Blunders, Then Big Bonus: Defense Firms Rewarded After $2.3 Billion in Disasters," November 1, 1995. For statistics on the relative fate of production workers and executives in the military industry as a result of the merger boom, see Charles M. Sennott, "CEO Salaries Rise as Jobs Are Lost," Boston Globe, February 11, 1996, p. B-12.

14. See Hartung, "Military Monopoly" and "St. Augustine’s Rules," op. cit.; and Lockheed Martin, "Investor’s Fact Sheet," Spring 1996.

15. On campaign spending and lobbying by defense contractors, see Katharine Q. Seelye, "Arms Contractors Spend to Promote An Expanded NATO," New York Times, March 30, 1998; and William D. Hartung, Peddling Arms, Peddling Influence: Exposing the Arms Export Lobby (New York: World Policy Institute, October 1996), and Peddling Arms, Peddling Influence Update (New York: World Policy Institute, April 1997).

16. On Star Wars contractors and the Star Wars lobby, see William D. Hartung, "Reagan Redux: The Enduring Myth of Star Wars," World Policy Journal, Fall 1998, pp. 17-24.

17. On add-ons, see Business Leaders for Sensible Priorities, "Midnight Pork: It’s What’s for Dinner," fact sheet, September 1998; John Isaacs, Council for a Livable World, "Items of Interest in the Omnibus Appropriations Bill," memorandum, October 22, 1998; Taxpayers for Common Sense, "$50 Million for Mississippi Pork," The Waste Basket, Vol. III, No. 25, August 3, 1998; Charles R. Babcock, "Congress Fattens Defense Bill With $4 Billion in Pork," Washington Post, August 15, 1998; and Pat Towell, "No Chance for a Nonfat Bill As Special Projects Flourish," Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report, August 22, 1998, p. 2292.

18. Data on add-ons provided by Steven Kosiak, Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, based on analysis of the relevant appropriations and authorization bills in the House and Senate during the FY 1996-98 time frame.

19. Walter Pincus, "Cargo Plane with Strings Attached: Congress Funds and Stations C-130s Unwanted by Pentagon," Washington Post, July 23, 1998.

20. Ibid.

21. "Statement of Sen. John McCain for FY 1999 National Defense Authorization Bill S. 2057, (available at http://www.senate.gov/~McCain/def99.htm) and John Isaacs, "Items of Interest," op. cit.

22. On lobbying to lift the ban on fighter sales to Latin America, see Hartung, "Peddling Arms, Peddling Influence Update," op. cit.; Douglas Waller, "How Washington Works: Arms Deals—The Inside Story of How the Pentagon and Big Defense Contractors Got the President to Open the Way for Weapons Sales to Latin America," Time, April 14, 1997; and Thomas Cardamone, Council for a Livable World, "Arms Sales to Latin America," Foreign Policy In Focus, Vol. 2, No. 53, (Washington, DC and Albuquerque, NM: Institute for Policy Studies and Interhemispheric Resource Center, December 1997).

23. On the moratorium proposal, see Cardamone, op. cit., note 22; on Lockheed Martin’s lobbying of Oscar Arias, see Merrill Goozner, "Nobelists Press for Weapon Sales Curbs," Chicago Tribune, May 29, 1997.

24. For a full run-down on corporate lobbying for NATO expansion, see "Desperately Seeking Subsidies: Arms Industry Lobbying," in William D. Hartung, Welfare for Weapons Dealers 1998: The Hidden Costs of NATO Expansion (New York: World Policy Institute, 1998), pp. 223-30; or two magazine pieces summarizing this material: William D. Hartung, "NATO Boondoggle," Progressive, May 1998, pp. 22-4; or William D. Hartung, "Pentagon Welfare: The Corporate Campaign for NATO Expansion," Multinational Monitor, March 1998, pp. 9-13.

25. For more on the costs of the Kosovo conflict and the potential benefits to weapons contractors, see William D. Hartung, "The Costs of NATO Expansion Revisited: From the Costs of Modernization to the Costs of War," World Policy Institute issue brief, April 21, 1999 (available on the web at http://www.worldpolicy.org/arms/april99.html). On the role of arms manufacturers in hosting the NATO 50^th anniversary summit, see Sam Loewenberg, "Stocking Up for the Next War," Legal Times, April 5, 1999.

26. On technical glitches and cost overruns in the Star Wars program, see Hartung, "Reagan Redux: The Enduring Myth of Star Wars," op. cit.; Stephen I. Schwartz, editor, Atomic Audit: The Costs and Consequences of U.S. Foreign Policy Since 1940 (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution), pp. 269-70 and 290-8; and William D. Hartung, "Spacey Missile Defense," The Nation, July 27/August 3, 1998.

27. On the passage of Cochran-style, pro-Star Wars bills in the House and Senate, see Craig Cernello, "Senate, House Approve Bills Calling for NMD Deployment," Arms Control Today, March 1999; and Elizabeth Becker, "House Approves Star Wars Defense Program," New York Times, May 21, 1999.

28. For an introduction to the small arms issue, see Jeffrey Boutwell, Michael T. Klare, and Laura W. Reed, editors, Lethal Commerce: The Global Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons (Cambridge, MA: AAAS, 1995); Michael Renner, Small Arms, Big Impact: The Next Challenge of Disarmament, (Washington, DC: Worldwatch Institute, October 1997); and British American Security Information Council, Campaigns and Projects on Light Weapons, BASIC Report 98.3 (Washington, DC: April 1998). BASIC also coordinates an international network of researchers, activists, and government officials concerned with the light weapons problem. For more details, consult the BASIC website. There are now dozens of groups now working on the small arms issue, so this short listing is by no means complete.

29. For an overview of efforts to limit arms sales, see "Controlling U.S. Arms Sales," Foreign Policy In Focus, Vol. 1, No. 4, (Washington, DC and Albuquerque, NM: Institute for Policy Studies and Interhemispheric Resource Center, November 1996).

30. On nuclear abolition, see Jonathan Schell, The Gift of Time: The Case for Abolishing Nuclear Weapons (New York: Henry Holt, 1998); and Joseph Rotblat, editor, Nuclear Weapons: The Road to Zero (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1998). The Abolition 2000 campaign to eliminate nuclear arsenals is in the process of launching a U.S. campaign that will be up and running in 1999; for background on that effort, see Alistair Millar, "The Urgency of Our Mission," Inforum, Winter 1998, No. 23, p. 3 (available from Fourth Freedom Forum, 803 N. Main St., Goshen, IN 46528).

31. See Jonathan Dean, Randall Caroline Forsberg, and Saul Mendlovitz, "Global Action to Prevent War: A Program for Government and Grassroots Efforts to Stop War, Genocide, and Other Forms of Deadly Conflict," May 15, 1998 (jointly produced by the Union of Concerned Scientists, the Institute for Defense and Disarmament Studies, and the World Order Models Project).